WAC Releases NagaLeaks Part 2 (Deception: Shocking Truth Behind Leni & Jesse Robredo)

Popular but controversial Facebook Group "We Are Collective" released the second part of the highly-anticipated NagaLeaks or the "Deception: The Shocking Truth Behind Leni and Jesse Robredo," featuring the connections between Jesse Robredo and Mar Roxas.

Based upon the second part of WAC's expose, it was Mar Roxas, Jesse Robredo's close friend and Liberal Party's self-proclaimed successor to Pres. Aquino, who lobbied for his appointment to the DILG.

During Jesse Robredo's term as DILG Secretary he was just on acting capacity because Pres. Aquino himself temporarily held the Interior and Lcoal Government portfolio before finally acquiescing to Roxas' request in 2010.

WAC also revealed the personalities behind the two factions or groups supporting former Pres. Noynoy Aquino, the Balay Faction headed by Mar Roxas and the Samar Faction headed by Executive Secretary Paquito Ochoa.

Here's the Complete NagaLeaks Expose Part 2 by WAC:


The Shocking Truth Behind Leni and Jesse Robredo Part 2

“There is nothing more deceptive than an obvious fact.”
- Arthur Conan Doyle


It was Mar Roxas, Jesse’s close friend and the Liberal Party’s self-proclaimed successor to President Aquino, who lobbied hard for his appointment to the DILG. Upon his death, it would be revealed that Jesse never really enjoyed PNoy’s (President Noynoy Aquino) complete trust as he was earlier given the post in an “acting” capacity. In fact, the President himself temporarily held the Interior and Local Government portfolio before finally acquiescing to Roxas’ request in July 2010. News reports would later reveal that while PNoy and Jesse were allies, they had differences that surfaced during the election campaign.

Aquino later admitted this, telling Palace reporters that he first wanted to make sure that he can get along with Robredo, who was in an "evaluation period [001]:"

“There are various reasons kung bakit (why) acting. In the case of Jesse, we had some differences during the campaign as to style. We want to make sure we can really work with each other well. It does no good to get him through the whole process of the CA only at the end of the day to find out that there might be difficulties in our working style, among others, our core philosophy, so we did agree na acting na muna (for the meantime that it's going to be in an acting capacity),” Aquino said.

“May (there's an) evaluation period, siguro check ang working style (Perhaps let's check the working style), after two months sigurado na tayo (if we're sure), we still have certain things discussed,” he added. “Dadalawang buwan pa lang kami nagkakasubukan kung talaga nga bang kaya naming mag-mesh (we have worked together for only two months to see if we're gonna mesh).”

Their personal differences notwithstanding, there seems to be a deeper reason behind the President's refusal to appoint Jesse in a more permanent capacity. This peculiar arrangement, however baffling, can be explained by two words: Balay and Samar.

It is public knowledge that President Aquino’s inner circle was divided into two factions: The Balay and Samar groups. Both camps, named after the location of their headquarters during the 2010 presidential elections, were engaged in an internal power struggle to control key cabinet positions in the new government. The Balay faction was the one led by Mar Roxas, who bitterly lost the Vice-Presidency in a surprise upset to Makati Mayor Jejomar Binay, with whom the Samar faction was purportedly aligned. After his devastating loss, Mar instead set his eyes on controlling important positions in Aquino’s cabinet, apparently in preparation for a Presidential bid come 2016. Executive Secretary Paquito “Jojo” Ochoa, a close friend of the President, became the Samar faction's de facto head. His appointment reportedly raised questions from Mar’s group who expected a Liberal Party stalwart to get the position. With the highly coveted Executive Secretary position gone, Mar’s group jockeyed for the remaining cabinet posts, especially the ones they deemed ‘vital’ for 2016. Among these was the DILG portfolio. 

It cannot be denied that Jesse Robredo and Mar Roxas were like brothers. During the election, Mar was responsible for Jesse’s assignment as the Liberal Party’s national sortie manager. In her interviews after Jesse’s death, Leni would jokingly refer to Mar as her husband’s “second wife [002]:” 

"In a Facebook status message, Aika recalled how Roxas, then the Transportation Secretary, was a regular fixture at their household — whether he was there or not.

'He (Roxas) was a regular breakfast date, whose name would often come up during dinner conversations along with the many stories of what it was like to be a part of PNoy’s cabinet,' she said in the post made public on Friday, when President Benigno Aquino III endorsed the Interior Secretary’s presidential bid.

Aika, the eldest daughter of Jesse and Leni, said her father and Roxas had gone a long way - having known each other way back when the Robredo patriarch was mayor and the Interior Secretary held the trade portfolio in the Estrada administration.

'Papa had given me the impression that Mar was someone he could and would go to battle with… He was a Mar Roxas believer through and through,' she said.

Aika said Jesse was 'all set to help Mar' as he was gearing for a presidential run in 2009, but eventually helped out then-Senator Aquino because of Roxas’ request.

'When he (Roxas) gave way to PNoy for the presidency, he asked Papa to focus on PNoy instead because he seemed to need it more at that time,' she said.

Though Roxas’ presidential ambition didn’t materialize then, the bond between him and Jesse remained strong until the latter died in 2012 in a plane crash.

'Mar returned the favor by sticking to Papa until the very end. He was the very first cabinet secretary who gave Mama a call when Papa’s plane was missing, who kept updating us on a regular basis during the search, and was also the first to let us know when it was found,' Aika said."

More than any other member of President Aquino’s inner circle, Mar Roxas had a personal stake in the highly strategic DILG post. The DILG not only assisted the President in the general supervision of local governments, it likewise controlled the country’s then 140,000 strong police force [003]. With his eyes set firmly on a 2016 presidential bid, losing control of the DILG was something that Mar simply could not afford.

Due to the one year COMELEC ban on the appointment of losing candidates, Roxas himself cannot take advantage of this position so he had to make sure the DILG goes to someone he completely trusts. Who else but his reliable wing man and close confidante Jesse Robredo? Given his extensive background as a multi-awarded local government leader, Jesse appeared to be the perfect man for the job.

But the President did not seem to share Roxas’ enthusiasm. Not only did he dislike Jesse Robredo, he distrusted him as well. This inherent distrust was not altogether misplaced. Despite being allies, Jesse and Noynoy were never really close. Jesse was Mar's guy and PNoy would have preferred his own trusted man to head the DILG, yet he cannot refuse Mar after giving the Executive Secretary Post to his friend Ochoa. Doing so would have incurred the wrath of the Balay faction.

After all, upon conducting thorough background checks on all his prospective appointees, Noynoy already heard rumors and stories about Jesse's shrewd and duplicitous character. It also didn't help Jesse that PNoy's sisters Ballsy and Pinky, who were partial to the Samar bloc, were not in favor of his appointment to the agency. Perhaps this had something to do with Ballsy and Pinky's closeness to Vice-President Jejomar Binay, who was also interested in securing the DILG post - something that would give him a clear edge come 2016, when he would run for President after Noynoy Aquino's term expires. Mar knew this, so he did everything to keep Binay, who now officially became his arch rival, from getting the post. Needless to say, the animosity between the two camps intensified when Mar's group, composed mainly of the Liberal Party, the Black and White Movement, and the party list group Akbayan, started accusing the Samar camp of engineering the Noy-Bi (Noy Aquino and Jojo Binay) tandem, which led to Mar's loss.

Luis Ortega, a former Naga City Councilor and a vocal Robredo critic who filed graft cases against Jesse together with Emil Aguinaldo in the Office of the Ombudsman, likewise sent a letter to Malacañang detailing Jesse's corruption and anomalies. Prior to his appointment, Noynoy was fully aware of Jesse's background as a local politician in Naga. Most importantly, Jesse was perceived by Noynoy as being more loyal to his friend Mar Roxas than anybody else.

If you were in Noynoy's shoes, would you allow an agency as vital as the DILG to be controlled by someone whose loyalty belongs to another? But then again, Noynoy was in a bind. He had just been elected President and he had political debts to pay – and Mar Roxas was on top of the list (having “sacrificed” his personal ambition to give way to his candidacy, which gained popular support after his mother, former President Cory Aquino, died in 2009). Truly, he somehow felt he could not have become President if it weren’t for Mar’s sacrifice. So he had to compromise.

Yet as shrewd and manipulative as Mar was, PNoy had other ideas in mind. He would agree to appoint Mar’s choice to the DILG post, but he would also appoint his own trusted bagman as Undersecretary to act as a counterweight (You know, just in case). Not only that, Jesse’s appointment would be on provisional status, and can be revoked anytime should he prove to be more of a liability than an asset. Jesse would be Secretary in title, but part of his executive functions would be given to another man – somebody Noynoy himself trusts, somebody more reliable and less political, somebody to act as his “eyes and ears” – his close friend and erstwhile shooting-range buddy Rico E. Puno [004].

To simply say that Puno was a shady character would be an understatement. The guy not only lacked the requisite credentials, he seemed to be a magnet of controversy as well. Suffice it to say that he was a member of Ochoa’s Samar faction and that he enjoyed Noynoy’s trust and confidence, being an avid gun aficionado himself, and these were the only reasons he was given the job. In truth, Noynoy would have preferred Puno to head the agency, since Puno was under his direct control. But concessions were already made so he had no choice but to give in to Mar's request.

During the aftermath of the tragic Luneta Hostage Crisis which took place on August 23, 2010, Jesse was blamed for the incident. He had just been appointed DILG Secretary and thus had command responsibility over the PNP, but Jesse revealed that it was Puno who was ordered by President Aquino to manage the crisis, and that he was kept out of the loop the whole time. Gabby Bordado would later tell the public that Jesse cried over the incident, and even thought about quitting [005].
Truly, Jesse got off to a rough start. After surviving the Manila Hostage Incident, he was quick to adapt to his new post. His total lack of control over the PNP would not last long.

When Jesse got appointed as Secretary of the DILG in July 2010, part of his executive functions was the oversight of the Philippine National Police (PNP) through the National Police Commission. The NAPOLCOM is the agency of the Philippine Government that exercises administrative control and operational supervision of the PNP [006]. In a 2015 article, columnist Rigoberto Tiglao wrote:
"The DILG secretary’s main responsibility, as well as source of power, is theoretically his control over the PNP, which, with its 140,000 mostly armed personnel stationed in every corner of the archipelago, is the most powerful organization in the country. It is bigger than the 120,000-strong Armed Forces of the Philippines. This is through his designation, under Republic Act No. 6975 of 1990, as chairman of the National Police Commission, which is the body supervising the PNP.
Yet, Aquino practically stripped Robredo of that power. The recent revelations on Puno’s supervision over the PNP’s questioned purchases of pistols and assault rifles confirmed that he had a tight hold over the police, cloaked by his designation as DILG 'undersecretary for peace and order.'

Even media seem to have forgotten that Robredo legally had authority over the PNP, with news reports occasionally in the past two years referring to Puno as the Napolcom chairman. Even the most visible member of the Napolcom has been its vice chairman and executive director Eduardo Escueta, formerly the chief of staff and favorite protégé of Senator Edgardo Angara. Imagine Robredo’s frustration as he suspected that his two deputies most probably got their marching orders from two other powerful figures."

While Mr. Tiglao’s observations may have been mostly correct, the only thing missing here is the fact that this curious set-up was caused mainly by the turf war between the two rival factions, and was the result of a compromise agreement that PNoy himself brokered in order to pacify the two warring camps. 

While it was clear as to which faction Puno and Escueta belonged to, Jesse himself had his own friends within the PNP. Atty. Luis Mario General, who was also from Naga City, was appointed NAPOLCOM Commissioner in 2008 upon the backing of a high-ranking Police Official who was close to Jesse Robredo. I will not dwell much on Atty. General, instead I will concentrate on this Senior Police Official who seemed to hold enough sway over the newly appointed DILG Chief.

Source: We Are Collective FB Page

WAC Releases NagaLeaks Part 2 (Deception: Shocking Truth Behind Leni & Jesse Robredo) WAC Releases NagaLeaks Part 2 (Deception: Shocking Truth Behind Leni & Jesse Robredo) Reviewed by Phil Newsome on 5/02/2017 Rating: 5

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